Thursday, October 14, 2010

RSS , Janasangh & BJP at a glance

Bhartiya Janta Party
Every time , in order to provide a proper platform to their Self Created issues they choose some specific leaders, some specific place and some specific time.
We all knows that Rath Yatra started by our PM - IN -WAITING Mr. L K Advani and same yatra leads the several riots in entire nation. One of the horrible repercussions of the Hindu- Muslim divide were the Post- Godhra riots in Gujarat in 2002. They were a pre- planned genocide.
Later development- After several yatras Mr. Advani nominated for PM post from NDA side.
Gujarat riots are successfully executed by in leadership Mr. Narendra Modi and his team. Thanks to our judiciary system that one Minister bail was rejected by court and we hope that court will reach to all who played a vital role in both Pre and Post Godhra riots.
Now, if we look back in history (almost 10 years ago) , The BJP won near about 60 seats from UP on the name of Lord Ram and Mandir-Masjid issue . Now the same figure has fall down drastically in last two Loksabha elections, and it was worried sign for BJP.
So, BJP decided to bring back same Mandir , Masjid saga in 2009 Loksabha election and for that they choose one Young person who is well educated in London and belongs to Nehru - Gandhi family known as Mr. Varun Gandhi.
When Varun Gandhi gave the Speech of Hatred in Pilibhit (his constituency),at that time the BJP Vice President Mr. Mukhtar Abbas Nakvi and Mr. Shahnawaz Hussain (Former Minister of BJP)said that BJP having no relation with Varun speech and BJP is disassociating itself from that hate speech. Later update in Varun saga is known to all.
Well ,to realize the views of BJP we need to look back in the history of RSS, BJS and BJP.

Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)
Founded in 1925, the RSS was organised on authoritarian and militaristic lines and, functioning below the surface and glorifying violence, it was developed basically as an anti-Muslim organisation. It did not participate in the anti-imperialist movement or wage any anti-imperialist struggle even of its own conception on the ground that it had to conserve its strength for its main task of protecting Hindus from Muslim domination. It grew in northern India in the 1940s because of communalisation of politics during the War years and large-scale communal violence, in which it played an active role during 1946-1947.
Though not directly involved in the assassination, it had been waging a campaign of hatred against Gandhiji and other Congress leaders publicly and in its shakhas or branches, it often branded Gandhiji and other national leaders anti-Hindu and ``traitors.'' Referring to them, M. S. Golwalkar, supreme head of the RSS nominated as such for life, wrote in 1939: ``Strange, very strange, that traitors should be enthroned as national heroes.'' In 1947, he accused Gandhiji of asking ``all Hindus to become Muslims.'' Pouring venom, he said the Congress leaders were asking the ``Hindu'' to ignore, even submit meekly, to the vandalism and atrocities of the Muslims. In effect, he was told: ``Forget all that the Muslims have done in the past and all that they are now doing to you... if they carry away your wives and daughters, let them. Do not obstruct them. That would be violence.'' The reference to violence in the end makes it clear that Golwalkar's finger was pointing at Gandhiji. It was this vicious communal campaign of hatred which created an anti-Gandhi hysteria and the atmosphere for his assassination. It is immaterial which group the assassin belonged to.
Keen on persuading the government to lift the ban on the RSS, its leaders gave an undertaking in 1949 that it would not take part in politics. But, in fact, they were quite keen on playing an active role. And since the RSS could not directly enter politics under its own banner, it decided to do so through a party of its own, Jan Sangh, which it could run and control firmly from behind the scenes, through its cadre and organisation men.
A communal party is one which is structured around a communal ideology. The communal ideology is central to it, it is the very reason for the party's existence. Without the communal ideology, the party disintegrates. Also, a communal party cannot be defined by specific policies, for it can discard any of its programmatic and policy elements and sometimes adopt the very opposite ones. Its economic, political and social policies are generally a husk or mask which can be changed at appropriate moments to suit its electoral or other political needs, which it perceives as essential for capturing political power which, in turn, is needed for implementing its communal agenda. A communal party is not a conservative party for it is not committed to the conservation of large elements of the existing social, economic and political structure. It is, however, a right-wing party for it cannot communalise the state and society without strengthening the reactionary, exploitative elements of the economy.
The Jan Sangh was launched as a political party in October 1951 with Dr. Shyama Prasad Mookerjee as its president. After his resignation from Jawaharlal Nehru's Cabinet in April 1950, Mookerjee was looking for a party and the RSS was looking for a leader - the two came together. Ostensibly, the Jan Sangh was a party in its own right and under Mookerjee it did enjoy a certain degree of independence, but even then its spearhead was the RSS and its carefully- chosen cadre who were put in crucial positions in the new party. After Mookerjee's death in 1953, the fig-leaf of its being an independent party was gradually given up. Since 1954, when its second president, Mauli Chandra Sharma, resigned in protest against the RSS domination of the party, the Jan Sangh and its later-day reincarnation, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), have been more openly associated with and controlled by the RSS, which has provided them with the bulk of their leaders at the top as well as lower levels.

The BJP is the successor party of the BJS, which merged itself into the Janata Party in 1977. The BJP was formed as a separate party in 1980 after internal differences in the Janata Party resulted in the collapse of it's government in 1979.
Formation of Bhartiya Janta party and Founder ( from jansangh)
Shyama Prasad Mookerjee became the opposition leader when Krishak Praja Party - Muslim League coalition was in power 1937-41 and joined the Progressive Coalition Ministry headed by Fazlul Haq as a Finance Minister and within less than an year resigned. He emerged as a spokesman for Hindus and shortly joined Hindu Mahasabha and in 1944, he became the President.
After the assassination of Gandhiji, he wanted the Hindu Mahasabha not to be restricted to Hindus alone or work as apolitical body for the service of masses and broke away from it on this issue on November 23, 1948. Pandit Nehru inducted him in the Interim Central Government as a Minister for Industry and supply. On issue of Delhi pact with Likayat Ali Khan, Mookerjee resigned from the Cabinet on 6th April 1950.
After consultation with Shri Golwalkar Guruji of RSS Shri Mookerjee founded Bharatiya Jana Sangh on 21st Oct. 1951 at Delhi and he became the first President of it.
BJP with Lal Krishna Advani
Advani’s sectarian views were of long origin — they dated to his schooldays in Karachi, before Independence and Partition. But this muscular brand of mass politics was a recent preference. For much of his career, Advani had been an organization man, who worked in the party office, preparing briefs and training cadres. It was only in 1989 — less than a year before his yatra — that he had fought and won his first Lok Sabha election.

In Moradabad, Advani said it was “his wish that a temple was constructed in Ayodhya”. According to one news report, he then “claimed this was also the wish of majority of the citizens”. In Shillong, Advani said of the attacks on Christians in Orissa and Karnataka that “I strongly condemn these acts of violence and vandalism which cannot be condoned or justified”. Then he added: “Let the people belonging to all religious communities consciously strengthen the bonds of Indianness that tie us together in the larger interest of national community”.

These statements are considerably at variance with one another. But each made ‘sense’ in its particular context. In UP, where the BJP once enjoyed power and hopes to do so again, Advani appealed to the baser, more extreme elements in the Hindutva community. Speaking at a rally of party workers, he urged them to once more raise a deeply divisive issue. In so doing, he made a spurious claim, a claim perhaps necessary to spur the cadres, but a bogus one all the same. Even in UP, where Ayodhya is located, the BJP has never managed to gain more than 40 per cent of the vote. In other states, their standing among the electorate is even lower.

Shillong radically differs from Moradabad in its religious composition, as well as in its political profile. The BJP has no presence in this state, but still, Advani needs to persuade the Christians of the North-east that he is a ‘responsible’ man, who can be trusted by them as prime minister.

On September 25, 1990, L.K. Advani left the temple town of Somnath, in Gujarat, on a 6,000-mile journey through eight states that he intended to complete, five weeks later, at Ayodhya. Along the way, Advani made many speeches aimed at tearing asunder the bonds of Indianness and promoting discord among different groups. At each stop, he was welcomed and sent off by activists of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and the Bajrang Dal, brandishing swords and trishuls.

A party who changes its color with the time , position and situation to capitalize some votes , to get some post is waiting to divide Our beloved nation.

Source: Several news paper s, Article of ramchandra guha , India Together etc

written by: Navin kumar

1 comment:

  1. लेख बहुत सारगर्भित है. इसमें इतिहास पर ज्यादा ध्यान दिया गया है.RSS एवं उससे जुड़े संगठन के पास दूरदृष्टि का अभाव है. आजादी से पहले धर्म को आधार बनाया इन्होने, आजादी मिलने के बाद यह मुद्दा समाप्त हो गया साथ हीं इनकी राजनीतिक शक्ति भी जाती रही. मस्जिद को मुद्दा बनाया गया लेकिन विध्वंस के साथ यह मुद्दा भी समाप्त हो गया. मंडल कमीशन लागू होने के बाद यह विचारधारा अपने भविष्य को लेकर उहापोह की स्थिति में है. कभी यह एक कदम कट्टरपंथ की तरफ तो कभी नरमपंथ की तरफ बढाती दिख रही है. मुझे लगता यह विचारधारा समायोजन की स्थिति से गुजर रही है जिसमे अन्य विचारधाराओं के साथ समझ विकसित किया जा रहा है